CSO Statement on the Management Committee of the ‘Rebuilding Sri Lanka’ Fund.

We, the undersigned members of civil society, welcome any efforts by the President to engage with all sectors of society to develop a coherent rescue, relief, recovery and reconstruction program in response to the disaster that has struck Sri Lanka. His reiteration on inclusivity and for an approach that called for commitment from all citizens in his address to the nation was reassuring.

Therefore, we were appalled to receive notice that the recently-appointed Management Committee for the ‘Rebuilding Sri Lanka Fund’ is constituted entirely of men, a few from the Government and the rest entirely drawn from the top echelon of Sri Lanka’s for-profit private sector. This can only be seen as outsourcing of the complex post-disaster national response to the Colombo-centric corporate sector – a recipe for further disaster.

In addition, of the 6 non-corporate positions in the 11-member Management Committee, 4 are direct appointees of the President himself, which belies his claim for inclusivity on both gender and political grounds. There appears to be no clear or transparent criteria for these appointments, except the personal trust and confidence of the President, which again foregrounds the concern that no women have been included. Regrettably, this is not an isolated incident, since, for instance, both the 18-member Clean Sri Lanka Presidential Task Force and the recently-appointed 19-member Archaeological Advisory Committee shockingly disregard Sri Lanka’s gender balance and ethnic diversity in favour of an exclusive majoritarian representation.

Such high-level committee/task force appointments are without precedent in the history of this country, and it is in this context that we express our strong concern about the potentially even greater erosion of confidence and credibility regarding the crucial tasks ahead to respond to this crisis, due to the hasty appointment of the Management Committee without due consideration to its real and perceived implications.

In this light, we reiterate that the individuals appointed from the private sector have excelled in making profits and almost all of them currently have a primary responsibility to enhance the shareholders’ or business partners’ wealth in their respective companies. The potential for conflict of interest is imminent and, in our view, incurable without them stepping down from their current corporate responsibilities.

It would be less problematic if the committee’s role is short-term and limited to targeted fundraising from the private sector for the humanitarian response. But this committee, as per the notice, is much more than that. It is empowered to manage the fund, set priorities, allocate and disburse funds for approved recovery activities. What kind of development trajectory will such a committee envisage for Sri Lanka? What kind of development is such a committee capable of conceptualising, given the commercial orientation of all of its non-government members? It would be a tragedy if the government and private sector allowed this opportunity to transform the country into “Sri Lanka Inc.”  at a time when the people are battered and bruised and unable to protest.

The broad mandate given to this committee, stacked with business leaders from selected blue-chip companies, can obviously lead to conflicts of interest. The companies controlled by these business leaders on the management committee will surely be engaged in post-recovery development on a commercial basis. What checks and balances are in place to ensure that tenders and procurement contracts are awarded with proper oversight, and not simply to benefit a small, well-connected group? What controls are in place to ensure that state largesse, like compensation, is not abused for private company gain?

Responding to a complex crisis of this nature is deeply political. The role requires a multifaceted team at the helm with diverse technical expertise. The absence of women in the committee is glaring, and, shockingly, the Cabinet approved it.  Any committee we believe should have non-partisan individuals experienced in humanitarian response, and those who could bring in hands-on technical expertise from various sectors that this response demands. We can not perpetuate our past “development” mistakes where we ignored environmental protections, sustainable development through investments in agriculture and livelihoods and infrastructure development going beyond highways. Having a mix of people from different ethnic groups and with relevant areas of expertise is also key in a country like Sri Lanka.

It is deeply troubling that this government, swept into office with a huge mandate, on promises to establish transparency, accountability, inclusion and a people-centred development, should give up on these promises and principles so easily.

We insist that the government revisit the composition of this committee and its mandate and ensure that Sri Lanka’s recovery is based on the principles of gendered social justice, equity and sustainability.

Arjuna Parakrama,
Anushka De S Wijeyeratne,
Rev. Andrew Devadason,
Anithra Varia
B Gowthaman
Balasingham Skanthakumar,
Bhavani Fonseka
Sister Berni De Silva
Brito Fernando,
Chulani Kodikara,
Dr.C.S.Jamunanantha
Mrs. D Wickremesekera
Sister Deepa Fernando
 Sister Damitha De Silva
Deekshya Illangasinghe,
Indrani Rajendran,
Ishani Aluwihare,
Dr C. S .Jamunanantha
Janakie Seneviratne
Jayani Abeysekara –
Jeneeta Pathmarajah,
Judy Pietersz
Kalani Subasinghe
Krishna Velupillai,
Bishop Kumara Illangasinghe
Laveena Hasanthi
Lihini Nilaweera
Mareen Nilasini –
M A Sumanthiran
Melani Manel Perera
M.W.L Pathmini,
Nagulan Nesiah
Nelun Chrisanthi Gunasekera,
Nilakshi De Silva
Nilmini Nonis
Nuwan Rezel,
Dr Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu
Pasan Jayasinghe
P.K.Chamila Thushari
Peter Rezel
Prof Priyan Dias
Rohini Rezel
Rohini Hensman,
Priyanthi Fernando
Sakuntala Kadirgamar
Sandun Thudugala
Upekshi Fernando
Jeremy De Zilwa
 Ranga K. Chandrarathne
Devan de Mel
Dr. Lilamani de Silva
Michele Amerasingh
Paba Suraweera
Sifaan Zavahir
Nelun Harasgama
Luxshman Nadaraja
N. Ranga K. Chandrarathne,
Devan de Mel
Dr. Lilamani de Silva
R. M. Wijayawardhana
Vishwara Perera,
Ven. Bambarawane Udithasiri
Pasan Jayasinghe
Shanthi Dias
Rushika Kanangara
Ruki Fernando
Ven. Fr. Samuel J. Ponniah
Dr. Sanjana Hattotuwa
Saroj Pathirane
Dr. Shamara Wettimuny
S Rajasegar
S. Ratnajeevan H. Hoole
Dr. S Vennilavan
Shyamali Perera Ranaraja
Ven. Thalangamuwe Sumanarathana
Ven. Siridigane Sudheera
Ven. Mabopitiye Kusaladhamma
Ven. Udaththawa Rahula
Ven. Wegama Sirirahula
Ven. Kudaoya Nanda
Ven. Kolawenigama Ariyadhamma
Nehama Jayewardene
Aingkaran Kugathasan,
Ven Amubulugola Piyarathjna
Sister Shandika Perera
Sivamohan Sumathy
Sheila Richards
Shreen Saroor
Shehara de Silva
Shrani Cooray
Udan Fernando
Dr. Upul Wickramasinghe
Upekshi Fernando
Vasuki Jeyasankar
V. Weerasingham
Sifaan Zavahir
Sunanda Deshapriya
Suchith Abeyewickreme
Tissaranee Guneserkera
Tharanga De Silva
Kumudhini Samuel
Organisations
Centre for Policy Alternatives
Civitaas
Dabindu Collective Sri Lanka
Katha Ogaisation
Law & Society Trust
Mannar Women’s Development Federation
 Muslim Women’s Development Trust
Muslim Women’s Research and Action Forum (MWRAF)
Movement of Christian Women’s Voice (MoCWV)
Plantation Rural Education and Development Organization (PREDO)
Right to Life Human Rights Centre
Sandeshaya by Saroj
Vanni Rehabilitation Organization for Differently-Abled (VAROD)
Women’s Action Network,
Women Media Collective
Social Institute for Development of Plantation Sector (SIDPS)
Movement for Plantation Peoples’ Land Rights (MPPLR)
Upcountry Civil Society Collective (UCSC)

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